Colnaghi Foundation Journal 03 - Magazine - Page 154
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G I U LI O CAM PAG N OL A / Landscape, and Venetian illumination
GI U LI O CAMPAG N OLA / Landscape, and Venetian illumination
153
N OTES
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2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Venetian landscape is a subject about which Jennifer
Fletcher has over the course of her career thought
and lectured extensively. I was lucky enough in 20012002 to be a student on the final MA course that she
taught at the Courtauld, the subject of which was
Venetian mythological painting. I am tremendously
grateful for her friendship and all that she continues to
teach me. I would also like to thank Lilian Armstrong
and Helena Szépe for reading drafts of this article
prior to its publication.
For recent discussions of Giulio as a draughtsman see
Charles Hope, “Drawings, Attribution and Evidence:
Giulio Campagnola, Giorgione and Early Titian,”
Rethinking Renaissance Drawings: Essays in Honour of David
McTavish, ed. Una Roman d'Elia (Montreal: McGillQueen’s University Press, 2014), pp. 61-89; and
Catherine Whistler, “Aspects of disegno, drawing and
prints in Renaissance Venice,” in Jenseits des Disgeno?
Die Entstehung selbständiger Zeichnungen in Deutschland
und Italien im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert, eds. Alessandro
Nova and Daniela Bohde (Petersberg: Michael
Imhof Verlag, Forthcoming). I am grateful to both
of these scholars for discussing Giulio’s oeuvre with
me and sharing work prior to its publication. For
the phenomenon of graphic landscapes in Venice
see Dagmar Korbacher, ed., Arkadien: Paradies auf
Papier. Landschaft und Mythos in Italien, exh. cat. (Berlin:
Kupferstichkabinett Staatliche Museen zu Berlin,
2014), pp. 137-165.
For an overview of Giulio’s career see Antonio
Carradore, “Giulio Campagnola, un artista
umanista,” Venezia Cinquecento 20/40 (2010): pp. 55134. For recent discussions of his career see Irene
Brooke, “Il molto cortese e gentile M. Giulio Campagnola
and his ‘gargion’: New evidence for the Date of Giulio’s
Death and Reflections on Domenico's Early Career,”
in Da Venezia e Roma. Pietro Bembo tra arti e lettere, ed.
Vittoria Romani (Padua: Padua University Press,
Forthcoming) and by the same author “Tratta da Zorzi:
Giulio Campagnola’s Copies after Other Artists and
his Use of Models,” in Making Copies in European Art:
1400-1600: Shifting Tastes, Modes of Transmission, and
Changing Contexts (Leiden: Brill, 2018), pp. 210-258.
Patricia Fortini Brown, Venice and Antiquity (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1996), pp. 199-206.
Kenneth Clark, Landscape into Art (London: J. Murray,
1949), p. 6.
For a recent discussion of Giulio in the context of
Venetian print culture see David Landau, “L’arte
dell'incisione a Venezia ai tempi di Manuzio,”
in Aldo Manuzio: Il Rinascimento Veneziano, eds.
Guido Beltramini et al., exh. cat. (Venice: Gallerie
dell’Accademia, 2016), pp. 107-135, 107 and 123-132,
although the author’s view of the artist differs from
that presented in earlier studies: see David Landau,
“Printmaking in Venice and the Veneto,” in The Genius
of Venice, eds. Jane Martineau and Charles Hope, exh.
cat. (London: Royal Academy of Arts, 1981), pp.
303-305, 312-323; David Landau and Peter Parshall,
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
The Renaissance Print (New Haven and London: Yale
University Press, 1994), pp. 150, 261-264.
The letter, written by Giulio’s brother-in-law, Michele
da Placiola, was published by Alessandro Luzio,
“Giulio Campagnola, fanciullo prodigio,” Archivio
Storico dell’Arte 1 (1888): pp. 184-185. The request
for a post at the Mantuan court seems to have been
unsuccessful, as a letter of January 1498, locates
Giulio at the court of Ferrara. See Matteo Bosso,
Familiares et secundae epistolae (Mantua: Vincenzo
Bertocchi, 1498), no. CCXI, sig. u2 r-v. For the
dating of this letter see Hope, “Drawings, Attribution
and Evidence,” p. 32 and n. 23. In addition to this
scholar's valid argument for dating the letter to 1498,
rather than 1499, as many scholars have claimed,
Matteo Bosso's letters were published in November
1498, precluding a date of 1499.
Luzio, “Giulio Campagnola,” p. 184.
See Keith Christiansen, “A Proposal for Giulio
Campagnola Pittore,” in Hommage à Michel Laclotte:
Etudes sur la peinture du Moyen Age et de la Renaissance, eds.
Pierre Rosenberg, Cécile Scailliérez, and Dominique
Thiébaut (Paris: Edition de la Réunion des musées
nationaux, 1994), pp. 344-355; and David Alan
Brown, “Giulio Campagnola: the Printmaker as
Painter,” Artibus et Historiae 31 (2010): pp. 83-97. See
also David Alan Brown and Miklós Boskovits, Italian
Paintings of the Fifteenth Century: The Collections of the
National Gallery of Art (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2003), pp. 435-443, where the same author
attributes the Mantegnesque Judith and Holofernes
to Giulio, though this work is still widely viewed as
autograph, see Giovanni Agosti and Dominique
Thiébaut, eds., Mantegna, exh. cat. (Paris: Musée du
Louvre, 2008), no. 72, p. 204. Another interesting
attribution of a Mantengesque painting to Giulio
is the Bristol Descent into Limbo, see Jennifer Fletcher,
“Mantegna and Venice,” in Mantenga and FifteenthCentury Court Cultures: Lectures Delivered in Connection
with Andrea Mantegna Exhibition at the Royal Academy of
Arts, London 1992, eds. Francis Ames-Lewis and Anka
Bednarek (London: Birbeck College, 1993), p. 20.
Jill Dunkernton’s study of this work in 1993 revealed
that the technique employed resembled that of an
illuminator. The work is also on membrane, like
Giulio’s recorded miniatures.
Neither painting is technically an illumination: the
Brooklyn painting is oil on paper; the Munich Faun
is oil on panel. Giulio’s little paintings seem to have
been executed using the technique of illumination
(i.e. tempera on membrane). However, their status
as independent works, not connected to a text,
problematizes their categorization. See Rainieri
Varese, “La miniature, qualche problema,” in La
Miniatura a Ferrara dal tempo di Cosmè Tura all’eredità di
Ercole de’ Roberti, eds. Anna Maria Visser Travagli,
Giordana Mariani Canova, and Federica Toniolo, exh.
cat. (Ferrara: Palazzo Schifanoia, 1998), pp. 51-55.
Marcantonio Michiel, Notizia d’opere del disegno, ed.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
Cristina de Benedictis (Florence: Edfir, 2000), p.
31, “Li dui quadretti di capretto imminiati furono
di mano di Julio Compagnola; luno è una nuda
tratta da Zorzi, stesa e volta, l'altro una nuda che
da acqua ad uno albero, tratta dal Diana, cun dui
puttini che zappano.” The first relates to Giulio’s
own print of a Nude in a Landsacpe, while the second
relates to Marcantonio Raimondi’s Grammar. For
the Giulio’s print see Arthur M. Hind, Early Italian
Engraving. A Critical Catalogue with Complete Reproduction
of all Prints Described, 7 vols. (London: M. Knoedler,
1948), V, no.13, p. 202, and Mark J. Zucker, ed.,
The Illustrated Bartsch: Early Italian Masters 25 (New
York: Abaris Books, 1984), no. 18.008, pp. 473-474.
For Marcantonio’s print see Konrad Oberhuber,
“Marcantonio Raimondi, La Grammatica,” in Bologna
e l’umanesimo: 1490-1510, eds. Marzia Faietti and
Konrad Oberhuber, exh. cat. (Bologna: Pinacoteca
Nazionale, 1988), no. 30, pp. 148-50. For Michiel’s
visit to Bembo’s collection see Rosella Lauber,
“Note per Marcantonio Michiel e Pietro Bembo,” in
Pietro Bembo e l'invenzione del Rinascimento, eds. Davide
Gasparotto and Guido Beltamini, exh. cat. (Padua:
Palazzo del Monte di Pietà, 2013), pp. 344-347;
and by the same author, “In casa di Messer Pietro
Bembo,” in Pietro Bembo e le arti, eds. Guido Beltramini,
Howard Burns, and Davide Gasparotto (Venice:
Marsilio, 2013), pp. 441-464. See also Jennifer
Fletcher, “Marcantonio Michiel: his Friends and
Collection,” The Burlington Magazine 123/941 (1981):
pp. 452-457; and by the same author, “Marcantonio
Michiel: ‘che ha veduto assai’,” The Burlington Magazine
123/943 (1981): pp. 602-609.
For a discussion of the relationship of these works
in relation to their “models” and extant prints see
Brooke, “Tratta da Zorzi,” pp. 217-223.
Christiansen, “A Proposal,” p. 345.
Girolamo Bologni, Promiscuorum libri, XVI, quoted in
Augusto Gentili, I giardini di contemplazione: Lorenzo Lotto
1503/1512 (Rome: Bulzoni, 1988), p. 23.
See Carradore, “Giulio Campagnola,” p. 109, and
Armando Balduino, “Un poeta umanista (G. A.
Augurelli) di fronte all’arte contemporanea,” in La
lettura, la rappresentazione, la musica al tempo e nei luoghi di
Giorgione, ed. Michelangelo Muraro (Jouvence: Rome,
1987), pp. 59-76.
Giovanni Aurelio Augurello, Chrysopoeia (Venice:
Simon Luerensis, 1515) III, vv. 310-311.
Paolo Sambin, “Spigolature d’archivio 1. La tonsura
di Giulio Campagnola, ragazzo prodigio, e un nuovo
documento per Domenico Campagnola,” Accademia
Patavina di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, III: Classe di Scienze
Morali, Lettere ed Arti 86 (1973-1974): pp. 381-388; and
Clarice Zdanski, “A Document Pertaining to Giulio
Campagnola’s Clerical Service,” Bolletino del Museo
Civico di Padova 75 (1986): pp. 61-66. For Girolamo
Campagnola’s letter about the arts in Padua, which
was addressed to the professor of Greek, Niccolò
Leonico Tomeo and used by Marcantonio Michiel
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
and Vasari, see Eduard Safarik, “Campagnola,
Girolamo,” in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, 17
(Roma: Istituto dell Enciclopedia Italiana, 1974), pp.
317-318, available online, accessed 10 June 2018,
http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/girolamocampagnola_(Dizionario-Biografico)/
Bosso, Familiares, no. LXXXVI, sig. h6r (24 November
1495). In a letter to Girolamo of 6 October 1493
(no. LXXV, sig. h2r), Bosso praises another son,
Aeneas, in similar terms. Since Johann D. Passavant,
Le peintre-graveur, 6 vols. (Leipzig: Weigel, 1864), V,
p.163, misinterpreted this letter to be about Giulio,
several scholars have followed suit, and therefore
struggled with an apparent contradiction in Giulio’s
age between the two letters. Giovanni Soranzo,
L’umanista canonico regolare lateranense Matteo Bosso di
Verona (1427-1502). I suoi scritti e il suo epistolario (Padua:
Libreria Gregoriana Editrice, 1965), pp. 116-117,
recognized that the parvulum mentioned in 1493 was
named Aeneas. However, this scholar mistakenly
interpreted a letter of condolence written to Girolamo
by Bosso on 13 January 1496 (no. XCIX, sigs. k1rk2r) as being about Giulio, when in fact it must have
been about Aeneas, whose name does not appear in
a 1507 document emancipating Girolamo's children.
See Benvenuto Cestaro, “Due nuovi documenti su
Girolamo Campagnola e un codicetto miniato e
scritto da lui,” Bollettino del Museo Civico di Padova 11
(1908): pp. 1-8.
Bosso, Familiares, no. LXXXVI, sigs. h6r. For Bembo’s
epigram see Pietro Bembo, Lyric poetry, ed. and trans.
Mary Chatfield (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 2005), no. XXII, p. 89.
Soranzo, L’umanista canonico, p. 127. See also Giovanni
Agosti, Su Mantegna (Milan: Feltrinelli, 2005) p. 77.
London, British Library, Ms. Add. Royal 14 C III.
For a recent discussion see Federica Toniolo and
Gennaro Toscano in Beltramini and Gasparotto,
Bembo: l’invenzione, no. 1.10, pp. 104-105, with further
bibliography. For a discussion of the collaboration
between Gaspare and Sanvito see Albinia C. De la
Mare and Laura Nuvoloni, Bartolomeo Sanvito: the Life
and Work of a Renaissance Scribe, eds. Anthony R.A.
Hobson and Christopher de Hamel (Paris: Association
Internationale de bibiliophilie, 2009), no. 87, pp. 294295. For a discussion of the work in the context of
Paduan illumination see Giordana Mariani Canova,
Giovanna Baldissin Molli, and Federica Toniolo, eds.,
La miniatura a Padova dal Medioevo al Settecento, exh. cat.
(Padua: Palazzo della Ragione-Palazzo del Monte
Rovigo-Accademia dei Concordi, 1999), pp. 324-325.
De la Mare and Nuvoloni, Bartolomeo Sanvito, p. 48.
Paul Holberton, “Notes on Giulio Campagnola’s
Prints,” Print Quarterly 13 (1996): pp. 397-399; and
Givoanni Agosti and Vincenzo Farinella, “Stanza
della Battaglia dei Centauri,” in Il Giardino di San
Marco. Maestri e compagni del giovane Michelangelo, ed.
Paola Barocchi, exh. cat. (Florence: Casa Buonarroti,
1992), p. 23 and 29. For the gem see Laurie Fusco and
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
Gino Corti, Lorenzo de’ Medici: Collector and Antiquarian
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006).
Gaspare da Padova disappears after 1493, so the
watercolour may have been in circulation for some
time, and as Holberton suggests, Giulio may have seen
it before 1507. For recent discussion of Gaspare da
Padova’s career see Antonio Iacobini and Gennaro
Toscano, “More fraeco, more latino: Gaspare da Padova
e la miniatura all'antica,” in Mantegna a Roma. L'artista
davanti all'antico, eds. Teresa Calvano, Claudia Cieri
Via, and Leandro Ventura (Rome: Bulzoni Editore,
2010), pp. 125-190. See also Milvia Bollati, ed.,
Dizionario biografico dei miniatori italiani (Milan: Edizioni
Sylvestre Bonnard, 2004), pp. 251-257.
Konrad Oberhuber in Early Italian Engravings from
the National Gallery of Art, eds. Konrad Oberhuber
and Jacquelyn L. Sheehan, exh. cat. (Washington,
DC: National Gallery of Art, 1973), p. 390. For the
manuscript see Mariani Canova, Molli, and Toniolo,
La miniatura a Padova, no. 122, pp. 308-309.
Oberhuber and Sheehan, Early Italian Engravings, p.
393, n. 12.
For Bordon’s career see especially Lilian Armstrong,
“Benedetto Bordon, miniator, and Cartography in
Early Sixteenth-Century Venice,” Imago Mundi: The
International Journal for the History of Cartography 48
(1996): pp. 65-92; and “Benedetto Bordon, Aldus
Manutius, Luc Antonio Giunta: Old Links and New,”
in Aldus Manutius and Renaissance Culture, ed. David S.
Zeidburg (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 1998), pp. 161183. Many of Armstrong’s studies are now published
in Studies of Renaissance Miniaturists in Venice (London:
Pindar, 2003).
For Antonio Maria da Villafora see Pier Luigi
Bagatin, Antonio Maria da Villafora: tra università, curia,
e monasteri, un minatore ritrovato (Treviso: Antilia, 2001),
and Bollati, Dizionario, pp. 36-40. For his relationship
with Barrozzi see Federica Toniolo, “Il sodalizio
tra il vescovo Pietro e Antonio Maria da Villafora:
considerazioni e aprofondimenti,” in Pietro Barozzi: un
vescovo del Rinascimento. Atti del convegno di studi, Museo
Diocesano, 18-20 Ottobre 2007, eds. Andrea Nante,
Carlo Cavalli, and Pierantonio Gios (Padua: Istituto
per la storia ecclesiastica padovana, 2012), pp. 289304. For Giulio’s relations with Barozzi see Sambin,
“Spigolature d’archivio,” pp. 381-388, and Zdanski,
“A Document,” pp. 61-66. For Barozzi and Bernardo
Bembo’s friendship see Franco Gaeta, Il vescovo Pietro
Barozzi e il trattato ‘De Factionibus Extinguendis’ (Venice:
Fondazione Cini, 1958), pp. 13-14. Bernardo was the
dedicatee of Barozzi’s De Factionibus Extinguendis.
This unpublished letter is in Venice, Biblioteca Correr,
Ms. 1349, fol. 47v. For biographical information
about Bartolomeo Sforza and his arrest see Loredana
Olivato, “Sentenziato a morir hozi de marti... Nota su
Barolomeo Sforza, miniatore e falsario padovano del
Rinascimento,” Bollettino del Museo Civico di Padova 62
(1973): pp. 7-28. For works by Giulio and Domenico
in the Benavides collection see Irene Favaretto, Andrea
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
Mantova Benavides Inventario delle Antichità di casa Mantova
Benavides (Padua: Società Coopertiva Tipografica,
1978).
See n. 26. For the opportunities presented to
illuminators by the new book trade see Lilian
Armstrong, “The Impact of Printing on Miniaturists
in Venice after 1469,” in Printing the Written Word:
The Social History of Books, 1450-1520, ed. Sandra
Hindman (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991),
pp. 174-202, and Helena K. Szépe, “Venetian
Miniaturists in the Era of Print,” in The Books of Venice,
eds. Lisa Pon and Craig Kallendorf, special issue of
Miscellanea Marciana 20 (2009): pp. 31-60, 517-525.
London, British Library, c.4.d. 11. For a recent
discussion of this see Chiara Ponchia in Beltramini
and Gasparotto, Aldo Manuzio, no. 91, p. 342.
For Bordon’s relations with Aldo see Armstrong,
“Benedetto Bordon, Aldus Manutius,”; see also
Martin Lowry, “Aldus Manutius and Benedetto
Bordon. In Search of a Link,” Bulletin of the John
Rylands Library 66 (1983): pp.173-197; Helen K. Szépe,
“The Book as Companion, the Author as Friend:
Aldine Ocatvos Illuminated by Benedetto Bordon,”
Word and Image 11 (1995): pp. 77-99; and by the same
author “Bordon, Dürer and Modes of iIlluminating
Aldines,” in Zeidburg, Aldus Manutius, pp. 185-200.
See Armstrong, “Benedetto Bordon, Aldus
Manutius,” pp. 166-167. For the dedication to Bembo
see Luciani Bigliazzi et al., eds., Aldo Manuzio tipografo
1494-1515, exh. cat. (Florence: Biblioteca Medicea
Laurenziana, 1994), no. 129b, p. 179.
Pietro Bembo, Lettere, ed. Ernesto Travi, 4 vols.
(Bologna: Arte Grafica Tamari, 1990) III, no. 360, p.
107. Bembo, as secretary of Leo X, was by this stage
based in Rome, though he had returned to Venice in
December 1514 on a diplomatic mission.
Carlo Castellani, La stampa in Venezia; dalla su origine alla
morte di Aldo Manuzio seniore (Venice: F. Ongania, 1889;
reprinted Trieste: Lint, 1973), p. 99, doc. 3.
Jacopo Sannazaro, Arcadia (Naples: Sigismund Mayr,
1504), Chicago, Newberry Library, Wing ZP 5351.07,
sig. D6r; see Carlo Vecce, “Arcadia at the Newberry,”
I Tatti Studies in the Italian Renaissance 17/2 (2014): pp.
283-302; Ovid, Fasti (Venice: Aldus Manutius, 15021503), Manchester, John Rylands Library, Spencer
3366, sig. aaa2r; Dante, Le Terze Rime (Venice: Aldus
Manutius 1502), Dublin, Trinity College Library,
Quin 52, sig. a2v. For the Ovid and the Dante see
Szépe, “Bordon, Dürer,” pp. 194-195, 198.
Helena K. Szépe, Venice Illuminated (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 2018). See also Giordana
Marini Canova, “La decorazione dei documenti
uffficiali inVenezia dal 1460 al 1530,” Atti dell’Istituto
Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti. Classe di scienze morali,
lettere ed arti 126 (1968): pp. 9-20; David Chambers,
“Merit and Money: The Procurators of St Mark
and their Commissioni, 1443-1605,” Journal of the
Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 60 (1997): pp. 23-88;
Helena K. Szépe, “Civic and Artistic Identity in
